Lebanon’s Operating System

lebanon-as-vista.pngMy friends will tell you I’m an unabashed Mac guy. I love Apple prod­ucts for their smooth­ness, their work­a­bil­ity, their iconic and reas­sur­ing work­flows. The Soon-to-be Mrs. Back-to-Iraq rolls her eyes at my obses­sion… Like­wise, as you can imag­ine, I’m no great fan of Win­dows.

This morn­ing, as I lis­tened to my friend’s com­plaints about the unpre­dictabil­ity of Win­dows — some­times things stop work­ing and then start again for no appar­ent rea­son what­so­ever — I real­ized that Lebanon works exactly the same way. And with the cur­rent, stu­pid cri­sis in Lebanon par­a­lyz­ing this place — lock­ing it up, so to speak — it occurred to me that Lebanon, such as it is, must be using Win­dows as its oper­at­ing sys­tem. Some similarities:

  • It doesn’t feel well put-together. It’s a house of cards with an incon­sis­tent, incon­gru­ous inter­face. Where Mac OS X feels all of a piece, Win­dows (and Lebanon) feels cob­bled together. It’s as if some­one just slapped some legacy reli­gions and/or code together and said, “Go to town, play nice.” Well, .dll files aren’t always com­pat­i­ble, and, Sun­nis and Shi’ites, for exam­ple, don’t always get on together. Usu­ally they do, but when they don’t, look out.
  • Fol­low­ing that, both Win­dows and mod­ern Lebanon were designed not with the users in mind, but the design­ers. In Microsoft’s case, Win­dows pri­mar­ily exists to make money for Bill Gates and Microsoft. Its reli­able cash stream come from big busi­ness, which tends to lock its employ­ees into using an OS that is obvi­ously on its last legs. Same for Lebanon. It was designed by the French using legacy Ottoman code which it stole — much like Microsoft did a shady deal to get MS-DOS — and set up to serve colo­nial inter­ests, rather than that of the Lebanese.
  • Mod­ern Lebanon is, specif­i­cally, like Win­dows Vista. It’s shiny, nice to look at and eas­ily seduces. But the moment you actu­ally try to work with it, the nasty under­pin­nings — whether it’s sec­tar­i­an­ism or that damned Win­dows reg­istry — come up and bite you in the ass.
  • It’s prone to viruses/outside inter­fer­ence by for­eign pow­ers that gum up the works. These can lead to…
  • … Lock-ups that par­a­lyze the entire com­puter and/or coun­try. One dif­fer­ence: In the case of Lebanon, reboot­ing is a total hassle.
  • It can be used to spew out junk email and/or jihadis if taken over by a hos­tile outsider.
  • And finally, when it crashes, it crashes hard. Blue Screen of Civil War, anyone?

I know, I know… I’m open­ing myself up to fans of Win­dows who will tell me they’ve never, ever had a com­puter crash or a virus. Like­wise, I’m open­ing myself up to par­ti­sans of Lebanon who tell me that the place works just fine if you know how to work it. Obvi­ously, I don’t or I’d be hap­pily gin­ning up my wasta and/or bleakly sub­mit­ting to the mess that’s Microsoft Office.

That’s not to say Lebanon and Gates’ lit­tle piece soft­ware don’t have their charms. The biggest one: In both cases, whether it’s pol­i­tics or soft­ware, there are more games.

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Damascene Diversion

My last col­umn of the year is up at Spot-on now, look­ing at the dynam­ics of Syria’s par­tic­i­pa­tion in the Annapo­lis con­fer­ence. An excerpt:

There’s a Mid­dle East­ern proverb mak­ing the rounds these days: You can’t make war with­out Egypt and you can’t have peace with­out Syria. And if Syria’s sit­ting down at the table, as it’s indi­cated it will do at next week, it’s a safe bet that the fate of two key parts of the region — the Golan and Lebanon — are up for dis­cus­sion. In two of the most intractable prob­lems of the region — Lebanon and the Israeli-Palestinian con­flict — the Syr­ian regime has been the immov­able obsta­cle. Because out­side the U.S., the Mid­dle East isn’t just defined by the Israeli-Arab con­flict. It’s a Gor­dian Knot of con­flicts involv­ing Israelis and Pales­tini­ans, Israel and Arabs, Arab Shi’ites and Arab Sun­nis, Arabs and Ira­ni­ans and the West and Iran. They’re all inter­twined, but the com­mon thread in this tan­gled skein is Syria and the regime of its Pres­i­dent Bashar al-Assad.
And in the past 48 hours, there has been signs of move­ment that might, just might sig­nal some kind of accord that the Syr­i­ans will accept. The Golan, the uplands seized by Israel from Syria in the 1967 war, is report­edly on the table at the Annapo­lis con­fer­ence which begins Tues­day. This was the pre­con­di­tion for Syria to attend the con­fer­ence, said its for­eign min­is­ter, Walid Muallem.
That’s very good news for the Amer­i­cans, the Israelis and pos­si­bly the Lebanese. Why? Because with Syria’s par­tic­i­pa­tion — along with Saudi Ara­bia and the other Arab states at the min­is­te­r­ial level — a suc­cess in Annapo­lis might mean the begin­ning of a real dis­cus­sion of a Grand Bar­gain for the region, not just another fit­ful start to Israeli-Palestinian nego­ti­a­tions. The think­ing is that if the Syr­i­ans are shown some flex­i­bil­ity on the Golan, they might also show some flex­i­bil­ity in Lebanon, which is in the midst of its worst polit­i­cal cri­sis since the end of the 1975 – 1990 Civil War — a polit­i­cal cri­sis stoked in large part by Syria and its allies in Lebanon.

You might be sur­prised at my conclusions.

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Lebanese Limbo

BEIRUT – Well, Beirut is now in a state of ner­vous wait­ing… Wait­ing for some­thing, any­thing to hap­pen. Lahoud fin­ished out his term last night with all the pomp and cir­cum­stance he could muster. Too bad he couldn’t muster any local politi­cians to see him off, so despised he’s become. But before he left office, he may have put Lebanon under mil­i­tary con­trol after he declared a state of emer­gency. Or did he? Some com­men­ta­tors are not­ing that his lan­guage — “There are con­di­tions and risks on the ground that could lead to a state of emer­gency” — doesn’t actu­ally do any­thing more than reit­er­ate the cur­rent secu­rity sta­tus quo. The Army has already been respon­si­ble for secu­rity in Lebanon since an Inte­rior Min­istry deci­sion about six months ago.
And there’s been no upris­ing by Hezbol­lah, Aoun seems to be keep­ing his head down and Siniora’s gov­ern­ment is still around. Michel Suleiman, com­man­der of the Army, has pledged to fol­low the orders of the cab­i­net. Sure doesn’t sound like a mil­i­tary takeover to me.
What it sounds like is peo­ple wait­ing to see what hap­pens with Syria in Annapo­lis. If the Golan is put on the agenda, and Syria gets some for­ward momen­tum from Israel, then things might very well ease up here. I am work­ing on a col­umn explain­ing this dynamic for Spot-on, which should be up tomor­row. Until then, let’s hope no one does any­thing stu­pid here. The atmos­phere is a tight as a garrote.

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Aoun withdraws candidacy

BEIRUT – Michel Aoun threw a fast­ball on the eve of the last day of Emile Lahoud’s term, propos­ing an inter­est­ing ini­tia­tive to break the dead­lock. I’m still get­ting trans­la­tion, but it appears that he will with­draw his can­di­dacy for the pres­i­dency — which he has claimed as his “right” — but he will nom­i­nate a can­di­date who is not part of the his Free Patri­otic Move­ment bloc. This pres­i­dent would uphold his agree­ment with Hezbol­lah over its arms. (Aoun believes only his Mem­o­ran­dum of Under­stand­ing with the Party of God pro­tects the Shi’ite mili­tia from a mil­i­tary attack.)
Saad Hariri, leader of the Future Move­ment and the pro-Western bloc in the gov­ern­ment, should in turn nom­i­nate a prime min­is­ter who is not part of the major­ity bloc, but who would sup­port the inter­na­tional tri­bunal inves­ti­gat­ing the assas­si­na­tion of Saad’s father, Rafik Hariri. The tri­bunal is bit­terly opposed by Syria and its allies in Lebanon.
There was also some­thing about the major­ity would get 55 per­cent of the cab­i­net and the oppo­si­tion would get 45 per­cent — includ­ing two “sov­er­eign” min­istries. That gives it veto power. That won’t play well, prob­a­bly.
What’s most inter­est­ing is that Aoun made this ini­tia­tive pub­licly, in a press con­fer­ence, rather than the usual under-the-table man­ner of Lebanese politi­cians.
Quck reax analy­sis: This allows Hezbol­lah to accept another can­di­date other than Aoun, who was report­edly giv­ing Hezbol­lah and even Syria headaches. So I think Aoun has been made to real­ize he doesn’t have nearly the amount of sup­port among his allies or even among the Chris­tians he thought he did, and he was becom­ing an obsta­cle to get­ting Hezbol­lah out of the cor­ner it had painted itself into. Because make no doubt: this ini­tia­tive wouldn’t have gone for­ward with­out Syria’s bless­ing. It does allows Aoun to save some face. Maybe it will keep every­one happy until the next cri­sis.
In short, this is move­ment for­ward in a coun­try where dead­lock has been the order of the day for months.
Your play, March 14.
UPDATE: Hariri has rejected Aoun’s pro­posal and called for par­lia­men­tar­i­ans to gather for a vote tomor­row. Hezbol­lah and its allies have said they will boy­cott any ses­sion, mean­ing March 14 could be head­ing for a 50+1 vote. This could lead to a coup, two rival gov­ern­ments, street fight­ing and a host of prob­lems. This could be game on.

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New Look, Same Goodness

You may notice things look a lit­tle dif­fer­ent around here. I finally found some free time (and energy) to fix this damn blog, which had been nag­ging at me for a while now. Gone is the old design — but enough remains that you should still feel com­fort­able. Com­ments are back again, so yay, more spam in the com­ments. Hope­fully you all will make use of them.
There are still some tweaks and other lit­tle things going on, so kick the tires. If you find some­thing that doesn’t work or look right, [drop me a line](mailto:chris@back-to-iraq.com?subject=That’s messed up, man). In the mean­time, I’m get­ting ready to get mar­ried, so Decem­ber ain’t going to be very inter­est­ing, I’m afraid. But 2008 is a new life, a new wife and all that, so things can only get bet­ter, right?

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