AP’s Anthony Mitchell on plane that crashed

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Me and Anthony in a Dji­bouti bar in March — much bet­ter times.
It just not bloody fair.
Ear­lier tonight, I found out that Anthony Mitchell, a reporter for the AP based in Nairobi and one of the most inter­est­ing and funny guys I’ve met in a long time, was on a plane that crashed in Cameroon on Sat­ur­day. In all, the Kenyan Air­ways flight was car­ry­ing 114 peo­ple.
It doesn’t look good, and my heart is heavy tonight. As the report says:

Among the pas­sen­gers of the Boe­ing 737 – 800 was a Nairobi-based Asso­ci­ated Press cor­re­spon­dent, Anthony Mitchell, one of five Britons on a pas­sen­ger list released by the air­line. Mitchell had been on assign­ment in the region.

Most of the pas­sen­gers were appar­ently en route to Nairobi to trans­fer to other flights.
I met Anthony, who is 39, in March in Dji­bouti, when we both were onboard the _FGS Bremen_, a Ger­man frigate, for a story on mar­itime secu­rity oper­a­tions in the area. Anthony was full of funny, self-deprecating sto­ries about him­self and Africa, sto­ries that con­tained no small amount of hard-won wis­dom, too. He talked about the clans of Soma­lia, the US military’s actions in the Horn of Africa and con­stantly took the piss out of our mil­i­tary escort in the most good-natured way pos­si­ble. (Anthony’s from Lon­don while LCDR “Grassy” Mead­ows of the Royal Navy is from the north of Eng­land.)
I didn’t know him long, but in the few days I knew him, he was a reporter’s reporter, work­ing con­stantly, cell phone seem­ingly glued to his head as he chased down reports of the kid­napped Britons in Ethiopia and set up an inter­view with the pres­i­dent of Dji­bouti.
He was kicked out of Ethiopia last year, he said, because he upset the gov­ern­ment there. Appar­ently, they didn’t like his reports on cor­rup­tion and he was given just 24 hours to leave the coun­try. While that was no doubt a huge incon­ve­nience, I can’t help but have a soft spot for reporters who tweak the powers-that-be as much as he did.
He loved Africa, he said. He liked small towns and eschewed most of the “mod-cons,” as he called air con­di­tion­ing and the like. He also car­ried around in his wal­let a photo of his wife, Cather­ine, and his kids, Tom and Rose. They looked like a really nice fam­ily.
I wish the out­look looked bet­ter, but right now I’m left with hop­ing for the best for Anthony’s fam­ily — and for all the fam­i­lies of the peo­ple on that plane. For while this post is about Anthony — only because I know him — I know that he was just one per­son and that 114 fam­i­lies are anx­iously await­ing word.
*UPDATE 5÷7÷07 12:38:20 PM +0200 GMT:* A grim update. Cameroon offi­cials say there is “no chance” of survivors.

A response to the Jerusalem Post

BEIRUT — A response is in order to the Jeru­asalem Post’s story today, in which Michael Tot­ten is inter­viewed and my name comes up in the arti­cle.
The _Post_ says, “Chris Allbrit­ton, who some­times works for Time Mag­a­zine, briefly men­tioned on his blog dur­ing the war that sev­eral jour­nal­ists he knows were threat­ened by Hizbul­lah because of what they were writ­ing.“
Let’s look at what I “actu­ally wrote”:http://www.back-to-iraq.com/archives/2006/07/tales_from_the_south_sort_of.php:

To the south, along the curve of the coast, Hezbol­lah is launch­ing Katyushas, but I’m loathe to say too much about them. The Party of God has a copy of every journalist’s pass­port, and they’ve already has­sled a num­ber of us and threat­ened one.

In a “follow-up post”:http://www.back-to-iraq.com/archives/2006/08/silence.php, I expanded on this, as this one com­ment was taken com­pletely the wrong way by many, many right-wing blogs and pub­li­ca­tions (Such as Totten’s and the JPost.)
The begin­ning of my response was this:

Let’s set aside that the Lebanese Inter­nal Secu­rity also has pho­to­copies of our pass­ports. The rea­son for the has­sling and the threat was that a reporter had filmed or described either a launch­ing site or Hezbol­lah posi­tions. (I’m not sure which.) To the best of my knowl­edge, that’s been the extent of the has­sling. I’m going to get in trou­ble for this, but I think it’s a rea­son­able restric­tion. This is the exact same restric­tions placed on jour­nal­ists by the Israeli army and by the Amer­i­cans in Iraq. I don’t think threat­en­ing jour­nal­ists is cool at all, and it cer­tainly doesn’t endear me to them, but that has been the extent of Hezbollah’s inter­fer­ence in our coverage.

You can read the rest of it, and I hope you do, “here”:http://www.back-to-iraq.com/archives/2006/08/silence.php.

Massive protest swamps Beirut

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A sea of pro­test­ers wave Lebanese flags in Riadh el Solh square in Beirut on Fri­day in a bid to top­ple the gov­ern­ment. ©2006 Christo­pher Allbrit­ton
BEIRUT — In a mas­sive show of force, Lebanon’s pro­tes­tors loyal to Hezbol­lah and its polit­i­cal allies poured into the streets of down­town Beirut by the hun­dreds of thou­sands, dwarf­ing last weeks show of sup­port for the gov­ern­ment and deliv­er­ing a sweep­ing rebuke to Lebanon’s polit­i­cal estab­lish­ment.
The streets, squares and bridges of sev­eral neigh­bor­hoods were a sea of red and white Lebanese flags as sup­port­ers of the Shi’ite groups Hezbol­lah and Amal, as well as the Chris­t­ian groups Marida and the Free Patri­otic Move­ment, took to the streets in an attempt to top­ple the U.S.-backed gov­ern­ment.
“The real prob­lem with this gov­ern­ment is that they did not stand with us dur­ing the war,” said Muham­mad Obaid, 40, a Hezbol­lah sup­porter, echo­ing a com­mon com­plaint of the oppo­si­tion, which is also called the March 8 coali­tion.
Hezbol­lah, which is sup­ported and armed by both Syria and Iran, cap­tured two Israeli sol­diers on July 12, prompt­ing a mas­sive retal­i­a­tion by the Jew­ish state that turned into a 34-day war. More than 1,000 Lebanese died — mostly civil­ians — and the country’s infra­struc­ture and indus­tries were dev­as­tated. Hezbol­lah feels that the gov­ern­ment in Beirut, which is led by Sunni politi­cian Fuad Sin­iora, didn’t sup­port it enough and even qui­etly hoped for it to lose the war so that the Shi’ite group would no longer be a viable polit­i­cal oppo­nent.
Hezbol­lah emerged stronger than ever, how­ever, and demanded more power in the gov­ern­ment for itself and its allies in the March 8 coali­tion. After six cab­i­net min­is­ters from their polit­i­cal bloc resigned, and Chris­t­ian indus­try min­is­ter Pierre Gemayel was mur­dered, the March 8 forces hope to force the res­ig­na­tion of the Sin­iora gov­ern­ment so that new elec­tions can be held — which they feel they will win.
“The gov­ern­ment will fall today,” Obaid said con­fi­dently.
Obaid comes from a small town in the Bekaa Val­ley east of Beirut, a strong­hold for Hezbol­lah. He said that the group had paid him to drive his bus to ferry pro­tes­tors to Beirut. From his vil­lage alone, he said there were four large buses and 15 minibuses.
By any count, the crowd was mas­sive, eas­ily top­ping 1 mil­lion peo­ple. It was unclear how many peo­ple were in the streets because of the sheer num­bers, but today’s protest may have sur­passed the orig­i­nal 2005 protest that gave Siniora’s bloc its name — the March 14 move­ment. That protest, com­ing exactly a month after the assas­si­na­tion of for­mer pre­mier Rafik Hariri, led to the end of Syria’s 29-year occu­pa­tion of Lebanon, a defeat the regime in Dam­as­cus would like to undo with its allies in Lebanon, such as Hezbol­lah.
Packed and par­ty­ing crowds of mostly young peo­ple stretched from the Chris­t­ian neigh­bor­hood of Gemayze to the east, to the gov­ern­ment build­ings ringed by con­certina wire on the other side of down­town toward the west, and from the site of Hariri’s grave near the port up to Sodeco Square in the Chris­t­ian enclave of Achrafiye. They filled alley­ways and over­passes, and all seemed to carry a flag of some sort.
Most car­ried the Lebanese flag, its red and white stripes fram­ing a green cedar, but becom­ing a dra­matic sweep when thou­sands upon thou­sands of the ban­ners waved. But the Lebanese could not resist putting their own party’s stamp on their out­fits, with Hezbol­lah mem­bers drap­ing the milita’s flag about their shoul­ders and Michel Aoun’s Free Patriot Move­ment sup­port­ers wear­ing orange sweat­shirts or base­ball caps.
The crowd for the most part was friendly and respect­ful of the call by Hezbol­lah leader Has­san Nas­ral­lah not to dam­age prop­erty or resort to vio­lence, but a group of young toughs did cel­e­brate the mur­der of Pierre Gemayel, by say­ing, “Con­grat­u­la­tions to Pierre, when is Geagea next?” Samir Geagea is the leader of another Chris­t­ian polit­i­cal party called the Lebanese Forces and is par­tic­u­larly hated by the Shi’ites of Lebanon. “We want your wife, Hakim,” they chanted refer­ring to Geagea’s nick­name and his wife, con­sid­ered one of the more beau­ti­ful women in Lebanon. Their jibe was an ugly, sex­ist chant.
They called the inte­rior min­is­ter a Jew while Hezbol­lah secu­rity stood by, watch­ing impas­sively. It was only after I asked the youths why they were chant­ing such things — and their vio­lent reac­tion when I said “I’m a reporter” in my badly accented Ara­bic — that the Hezbol­lah secu­rity guard inter­vened.
“They are not polite,” the guard said as he pushed me away roughly. “I don’t want you talk­ing to peo­ple who aren’t polite.“
The March 8 move­ment has vowed to stay in the streets, stag­ing sit-ins until the gov­ern­ment resigns. As night fell, trucks car­ry­ing portable toi­lets and water tanks arrived while tents were being set up in Mar­tyrs’ Square.
“If they don’t step down, we will stay here,” said Hayan Ismael, 22, a physics stu­dent from the Bekaa vil­lage of Bed­nayel and a sup­porter of another Chris­t­ian group. He said protest orga­niz­ers had timed the protests for Fri­day after­noon before the week­end to min­i­mize the eco­nomic impact of shut­ting down the heart of Beirut, indi­cat­ing that March 8 may be expect­ing a res­o­lu­tion by Mon­day morn­ing. Down­town mer­chants have been com­plain­ing for months since the war about all the dis­rup­tions to busi­ness.
“Every day the gov­ern­ment stays and doesn’t step down, it makes the econ­omy suf­fer,” said Ismael.
Sin­iora, how­ever, vowed last night not to step down.
“We will not allow a demo­c­ra­tic gov­ern­ment to be top­pled or its insti­tu­tions,” Sin­iora said in a tele­vised address. “Nor will we allow a state within a state. We are the legit­i­mate gov­ern­ment and respon­si­ble for all Lebanese.”

More on the CBS crew

BEIRUT — In the _Times’_ story about yesterday’s attack, which killed two CBS crew­men, a U.S. sol­dier and an Iraqi inter­preter, as well as gravely wounded the cor­re­spon­dent and six other sol­diers, U.S. ambas­sador Zal­may Khalilzad was quoted as saying:

These brave jour­nal­ists risked their lives to tell the world the story of a coura­geous peo­ple and a proud nation,” he said. “The ter­ror­ists who com­mit­ted this evil crime have shown them­selves for who they are. They do not want the world to see the truth of what is hap­pen­ing in Iraq, where a deter­mined peo­ple are fight­ing for free­dom and lib­erty.“
“That story must and will be told,” he said.

Please. Dozier, Brolan and Dou­glas were doing a Memo­r­ial Day story on the troops, which prob­a­bly came down from their edi­tor as one of those peren­nial sto­ries jour­nal­ists have to do when­ever the hol­i­day rolls around. (Pity the poor edi­tor who assigned that story. Every edi­tor has to live with the knowl­edge that their story assign­ments could be plac­ing peo­ple they know and care about in dan­ger. Speak­ing from expe­ri­ence, I would much rather be the reporter on the ground than the assign­ment edi­tor. The guilt if some­thing goes wrong is almost unbear­able.)
But back to Zal. I know the embassy has to stay on mes­sage, but not a sin­gle jour­nal­ist in Bagh­dad believes that they’re telling the story of “a deter­mined peo­ple … fight­ing for free­dom and lib­erty.” Every­one I know thinks the place is dis­in­te­grat­ing and head­ing for a hell on earth. Nir Rosen’s “Repub­lic of Fear” op-ed is spot on. “Read it.”:http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/05/26/AR2006052601578.html I’ve run across almost every thing he says in his arti­cle, and most other jour­nal­ists have as well. Our local staff have to live this day in and day out, so we get to hear just how awful it is. Rel­a­tives dis­ap­pear­ing, mul­ti­ple ID cards, mas­sacres one street over.
Yeah, sounds like a deter­mined peo­ple fight­ing for lib­erty to me. Not. More like a fright­ened peo­ple just try­ing to keep their heads down and stay alive while sav­ing up enough money “to flee the country.”:http://select.nytimes.com/search/restricted/article?res=FA0815FE385A0C7A8DDDAC0894DE404482 (Times’ fire­wall, sorry.)

Update on Iranian trip

BEIRUT — Things are mov­ing along, albeit slowly, for “my Iran­ian trip”:http://www.back-to-iraq.com/archives/2006/04/iran_reporting_trip.php. I’ve dis­cov­ered that I can’t just get a tourist visa and then write, although some peo­ple do that. Instead, I need to get a jour­nal­is­tic visa because if I go the tourist route, and I pub­lish arti­cles, the Ira­ni­ans will likely not let me back in the coun­try. This is unac­cept­able to me, as I don’t think you can do very good jour­nal­ism with a one-off, para­chute trip. You have to get to know the place, return many times, etc.
So, going the offi­cial route, with my hands raised and show­ing the Iran­ian infor­ma­tion min­istry that I mean no harm is the best route for me.
Many of you have already been exceed­ingly gen­er­ous, and the fund is up to almost $1,600 now. I reckon about $4,000 is needed for a good two-week excur­sion to the Islamic Repub­lic, as I’ll have to hire fix­ers, cars, hotels, etc. So if you want to con­tribute, please feel free to “hit the tip jar, dona­tion fund, what­ever you want to call it”:https://www.paypal.com/cgi-bin/webscr?cmd=_xclick&business=chris%40back%2dto%2diraq%2ecom&item_name=Back%2dto%2dIraq%2ecom&no_shipping=1&return=http%3a%2f%2fwww%2eback%2dto%2diraq%2ecom&no_note=1&tax=0&currency_code=USD&bn=PP%2dDonationsBF&charset=UTF%2d8.
Things here in Beirut, how­ever, have entered a weird sta­sis. The National Rec­on­cil­i­a­tion Coun­cil, which has been billed as the first time all the lead­ers of the var­i­ous polit­i­cal fac­tions have sat down together, seems intent on insti­tu­tion­al­iz­ing itself into a feck­less club house in which “Michel Aoun”:http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Michel_Aoun, the for­mer Army gen­eral stamps his feet to become pres­i­dent and Hizbollah’s General-Secretary backs him up on the con­di­tions that they don’t have to dis­arm. This is, need­less to say, unac­cept­able to the March 14 coali­tion that includes “Walid Jumblatt”:http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Walid_Jumblatt, the Druze leader, and “Saad Hariri”:http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saad_Hariri, the son of the slain “for­mer prime minister”:http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rafik_Hariri whose assas­si­na­tion Feb. 14, 2005 started this whole thing.
Peo­ple in Beirut are pretty fed up, but at least the secu­rity forces aren’t shut­ting down all of down­town every time the Coun­cil meets now, piss­ing off all the mer­chants there. There’s a real sense of dis­ap­point­ment among the young peo­ple I talk to that the so-called Cedar Rev­o­lu­tion, which looked great on tele­vi­sion and suc­ceeded in get­ting the Syr­ian Army out of Lebanon (mostly), has run out of steam and has been hijacked by the same old fam­i­lies that have run this place (some would say into the ground) for decades.
One of my friends, the scion of a pow­er­ful Shi’ite polit­i­cal fam­ily opposed to Syr­ian influ­ence, has pretty much thrown in the towel. The Syr­ian Army has left, but the influ­ence is still there, he says, and “Émile Lahoud”:http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Emile_Lahoud, Lebanon’s pres­i­dent and Syr­ian pro­tégé, will serve out his term and the same old pol­i­tics of old will pre­vail. Syr­ian Pres­i­dent Basher Assad will wait out the Bush admin­is­tra­tion and things will return to the bad old days of the 1990s. He does allow that it won’t be quite as bad, but the days of total Lebanese sov­er­eignty seem far away still.