Al Qa’ida group threatens Iraqi Kurdistan

PUK peshmergas.JPG
Pesh­mer­gas at their posts in July2002 Christo­pher Allbritton)

Mulla Sdeeq.JPG The Chris­t­ian Sci­ence Mon­i­tor has a ter­rific arti­cle on the trou­bles that Ansar al-Islam is giv­ing to the Patri­otic Union of Kur­dis­tan on the Shinirwe Front, on the bor­der between Iraqi Kur­dis­tan and Iran. While I was there in July, I inter­viewed Mul­lah Sdeek (left), deputy chair­man of the Islamic Move­ment, which con­trols one of the ter­ri­to­ries abut­ting ‘s. “We have been work­ing as a medi­a­tor between [] and the gov­ern­ment to try to change their idea and to con­vince them to come down to the nego­ti­at­ing table,” Sdeek said at the time. Well, that hasn’t been work­ing. Since the recent cap­ture of ‘s leader, Mul­lah Krekar, in the Nether­lands after his dis­missal from Tehran, the group has threat­ened to cap­ture for­eign­ers such as U.N. and human rights work­ers as bar­gain­ing chips to win the release of Krekar. Note: This group bar­gains hard; it beheaded 42 PUK pesh­mer­gas it cap­tured in Octo­ber of last year and made all the inhab­i­tants — includ­ing the chil­dren — of the small vil­lage of Kheli Hama watch. (By the way, an Iraqi Kurd was arrested in Kabul for plot­ting to kill the Afghan pres­i­dent and defense min­is­ter. This is likely the work of Ansar al-Islam, so these guys aren’t sit­ting around.)
The full inter­view with Mul­lah Sdeek can be read here.


Map cour­tesy of the Chris­t­ian Sci­ence Monitor

From the Dept. of Hypocrisy:

So let me get this straight: After a con­gres­sional inquiry looks into whether the FBI and CIA are to be faulted for not fol­low­ing leads of a pos­si­ble money trail between the Saudi gov­ern­ment and two of the 9/11 hijack­ers, the Bush admin­is­tra­tion cau­tions against jump­ing to con­clu­sions. But when it comes to going to war in Iraq and killing lots of peo­ple, based on a lot of “might pos­sess”, “could use” or “pos­si­bly hand over to ter­ror­ists” var­i­ous forms of weapons of mass destruc­tion, we’re sup­posed to just, I don’t know, take Bush’s word for it?

Con­tinue read­ing

Much news and catching up… (LONG POST)

Hi all. Sorry for the delay in post­ing. Not only have we seemed to enter a “phony war” period regard­ing impend­ing hos­til­i­ties with Iraq with­out any­thing def­i­nite hap­pen­ing, but I also needed to take a lit­tle break.
Be that as it may, there have been some inter­est­ing sto­ries show up in the last few days. First off, United Nations weapons inspec­tors have gone … back to Iraq. (Sorry, I couldn’t resist.) Hans Blix, the chief of the inspec­tors, holds the fate of Iraq in his hands and he has said he will asses the intent of any delays on the part of the Iraqis as to whether foot-dragging is obfus­ca­tion or sim­ple foul-ups. Con­sid­er­ing that much of my time in Iraq was char­ac­ter­ized by hur­ry­ing up and wait­ing — and I was in friendly territory! — I won­der if the, ah, “flex­i­ble” con­cept of time in soci­eties other than north­ern Euro­pean ones will be taken into account. Blix is Swedish after all; I hear they frown on tar­di­ness. At any rate, Iraq has until Dec. 8 to present UNMOVIC with a full account­ing of its weapons of mass destruc­tion pro­grams or it will be in “mate­r­ial breach” of UNSCR 1441. We’ll see what hap­pens. (P.S. When the Iraqis fire on Allied air­craft patrolling the no-fly zones in the south and the north, does that con­sti­tute a “mate­r­ial breach”? Some in the Bush admin­is­tra­tion want it to be so. Please note, Oper­a­tions North­ern Watch and South­ern Watch have never been sanc­tioned by the UN and Iraq has never accepted them.)

Con­tinue read­ing

From Ankara to Diyarbakir

More dis­patches from the sum­mer. After Aykut Uzan, my fixer, and I left Ankara, we spent a few days in Cap­pado­cia. We arrived in Uçisar, after three hours of dri­ving. Aykut turned off the main high­way and onto an older, less well-maintained road. He often swerved wildly to avoid the seem­ingly end­less num­ber of pot­holes and ditches on what?s left of the ancient Silk Road, which ran from Bei­jing to Istan­bul.
Sud­denly, on our right was the Agzikara­han Car­a­vai, a 13th cen­tury hotel and way sta­tion for the car­a­vans that car­ried the spices and fab­rics between Istan­bul and Bei­jing. These car­a­vais were built by the Seljuk Turks every 30 to 40 km and fol­lowed a strict archi­tec­tural style. A cen­tral court­yard con­tain­ing a kitchen and a mosque were sur­rounded by naves and cham­bers within the thick walls. A dis­tinc­tive pointed dome was the sig­nal to weary trav­el­ers that sanc­tu­ary was nearby — but only for one night.
In Uçisar, Many were wor­ried about a loom­ing war, since Cap­pado­cia is one of the top tourist des­ti­na­tions of Turkey. Since Sept. 11, 2001, the region had been suf­fer­ing as no one was com­ing to visit. In the mid­dle of sum­mer, we were able to find a room in one of the beau­ti­ful rock hotels in town, with the rooms carved directly into the stone of the canyon walls. But after three days of Cap­pado­cia, it was time to move on. And we headed off to Diyarbakir, the flash­point for much of the war with the Kur­dish Work­ers’ Party (PKK) since 1984.
More than 37,000 peo­ple died in the civil war that raged across much of south­east Turkey from 1984 to 1998, end­ing only when Abdul­lah Ocalan, the party’s leader, was cap­tured and brought to Turk­ish jus­tice. While in cus­tody, he renounced vio­lence and sought to be a voice of rec­on­cil­i­a­tion between Turks and Kurds. Need­less to say, many Turks didn’t believe his jail­house con­ver­sion and many of his old com­pa­tri­ots in the PKK con­sid­ered him a quis­ling. He avoided the noose because of Turkey’s attempts to join the Euro­pean Union. His death sen­tence was com­muted in Octo­ber.
But Diyarbakir, with its his­toric basalt walls limn­ing the city like kohl around a Kur­dish girl’s eyes, hadn’t changed in the four years since Ocalan’s cap­ture. The streets were oppres­sive, with the pres­ence of police every­where. Aykut and I were fol­lowed the whole time we were there, and men came sniff­ing about my hotel, ask­ing the staff about me and what I was doing there. The peo­ple who did talk to me veered from the timid and wor­ried to the brave and/or fatal­is­tic. The dom­i­nant thought among the res­i­dents, who daily live under the heel of police that rou­tinely use armored per­son­nel car­ri­ers to keep order, was that even if emer­gency rule were lifted — which it was in Octo­ber — noth­ing would change as the econ­omy was so dev­as­tated, there was no hope for the peo­ple to make a liv­ing. A. Turan Demir, the deputy chair­man of HADEP, the Kur­dish party in Turkey with its strongest base in Diyarbakir, listed many of the prob­lems of the region in this inter­view I had with him: destroyed vil­lages, dis­crim­i­na­tion, intim­i­da­tion… A list of offenses that nei­ther side can ever fully for­give.
What fol­lows is a col­lec­tion of notes and emails that I took when I was in Diyarbakir (and which I emailed out after I real­ized the level of sur­veil­lance I was under.) Read­ing back over the emails and notes, I see that some of it is insen­si­tive, but I think now that the tone masks a level of frus­tra­tion both with the envi­ron­ment as a New Yorker and with the treat­ment that many peo­ple live under.

From: Christopher Allbritton
Date: Wed Jul 10, 2002 12:37:10 PM America/New_York
Subject: Update...

Hey all?
Popped into the local press office today, just to say hi, and they were expect­ing me. Creepy. There was a doc­u­ment from Ankara to say that I was com­ing and to accredit me for Emer­gency Rule Zone report­ing. Now I have TWO press cards from the Turks. I was told I could go ?any­where? and talk to ?any­one? but I sus­pect that any vis­its to HADEP offices will be frowned upon. It?s not a big deal to me, as an Amer­i­can, they would likely send me back to Ankara or Istan­bul after con­fis­cat­ing film, but my guide, Aykut, lives in this coun­try. He?s mar­ried to a Kur­dish woman and has a past involve­ment with rad­i­cal left­ist move­ments. He?s left it all behind, but I don?t want my trou­bles to spill over and cause him or his fam­ily grief.
Also, the money sit­u­a­tion is not good. My ten­ant, Theresa, has not made deposits as she said she would. If she doesn?t make some deposits by the end of this week, I?ll have to skip Iraq, head back to Ger­many and then imme­di­ately head back to the states, which would just about kill the pur­pose of all of this. I?m not pleased, obvi­ously, by this devel­op­ment. Nor will Fabi­ana be pleased either, I think, but at the moment that?s the least of my wor­ries.
Other than that, all is well. Cap­pado­cia was amaz­ing, with all sorts of oth­er­worldly, “Planet of the Apes”-style rockscapes and houses. Diyarbakir, on the other hand, is hot and oppres­sive.
I?m glad every­one is doing well, and I can?t wait to see you all again.

And this one I sent out later:
From: Christopher Allbritton
Date: Wed Jul 10, 2002 10:18:04 PM America/New_York
Subject: Lame!

Lame­lame­lame­lame­lame!
And thus, I pass judg­ment on poor, war-torn Diyarbakir. Christ, what a bor­ing town. I thought war-zones were sup­posed to bring out the deca­dence in peo­ple (Berlin, maybe?) but instead, I get sul­len­ness. Shit, the one bar that looked good, we couldn’t get in. We had not women with us.
Let me repeat that. I got turned away at the door at a bar in Diyarbakir.
Hon­estly, how lame is that? Finally, we ended up on the roof of out hotel, lis­ten­ing to the Kur­dish ver­sion of “Mr. Vegas” on a Casio key­board sing Arabesque songs in the roof restau­rant. If it weren’t for the singer, it would have been almost pleas­ant. Instead, I felt sorry for the peo­ple liv­ing the apart­ments right next door to the hotel. Some were out on their bal­cony “enjoy­ing” the singer.
Hm. Read­ing back that last para­graph leads me to believe I would be per­fect as a colo­nial gov­er­nor in, oh, 1895 or so. All that’s lack­ing is a British accent, old chap. And I’m sup­posed to be cul­tur­ally sen­si­tive. Per­haps I’m just damn tired of noth­ing work­ing right in this coun­try. Today, I had to mail a con­tract back to the states so we went to the post office. Look­ing around, there were no envelopes.
“I need to buy an enve­lope,” I told Aykut.
“You didn’t tell me that,” he said. “You have to buy those some­where else.“
What kind of post office sells stamps but not envelopes?
I feel sorry for the police peo­ple fol­low­ing us. They must be very, very bored. We walk and we eat and occa­sion­ally talk to some poor schmuck on the street. We’re not very inter­est­ing sub­jects to tail, I don’t think. Hell, tonight I was hop­ing our tails would take pity on us and pull up and say, “You look like a cou­ple of guys look­ing for some fun. Let’s have a friendly drink at the belly danc­ing palace.” Alas, such things rarely hap­pened in the Cold War, and I doubt they’re going to hap­pen now.
So that’s the score. I’m back in my hotel room (and every­thing undis­turbed, includ­ing my own hair I left stick­ing out of my lap­top in case some­one came in and opened it. Para­noia can be fun!)
So that’s all. Safe and sound. I may have an appoint­ment with the mil­i­tary gov­er­nor tomor­row. Or not. With­out doubt I will have to drink more tea. Every time I sit down in an office, a porter brings me tea in the lit­tle glasses. It’s tasty, but it’s 120 degrees Fahren­heit out­side. And the tea is hot. Aykut drinks the stuff like it was water, says it keeps him healthy and quenches his thirst, but I need real water, not hot tea.

[Ed. — I sup­pose this last sen­tence could be mis­taken for some kind of metaphor about the dif­fer­ences between the rit­u­als of the east with the cool drink of West­ern ratio­nal­ism, but I won’t bother since I never intended the lament for water to be any­thing more than a sign that I was thirsty.]
To be continued…

Erdogan says Turkey won’t help

Just before the U.N. voted on a final shot at dis­arm­ing Iraq, the leader of the Turk­ish Jus­tice and Devel­op­ment Party (AKP), Recep Tayyip Erdo­gan, said Turkey would not help in an attack on neigh­bor­ing Iraq. Erdo­gan can’t hold the prime min­is­ter post of Turkey, but he runs the party and is the most pow­er­ful politi­cian in Turkey. If he’s say­ing that Turkey won’t take part in an oper­a­tion against Iraq, that rep­re­sents one of two things:

1) AKP has made a colos­sal mis­take before it ever takes office, and is head­ing for a con­fronta­tion with the mil­i­tary estab­lish­ment of Turkey. If this is the case, AKP’s days as the rul­ing party are num­bered. The mil­i­tary, while not enthu­si­as­tic about a cam­paign against Iraq, will not endan­ger its rela­tion­ship with the United States or with Israel. Incir­lik will be used heav­ily in any air cam­paign against Iraq. Or…
2) Erdo­gan is play­ing a dan­ger­ous game at extract­ing con­ces­sions from the United States. The sanc­tions against Iraq have cost Turkey bil­lions of dol­lars over the last decade and exac­er­bated the poverty of south­east Turkey, fuel­ing the ire of the Kur­dish Work­ers Party. I think more likely that Erdo­gan is try­ing to squeeze the United States for cash, back­ing with the IMF for loans and, more sig­nif­i­cantly, a free hand in north­ern Iraq against the Kurds. How­ever, if the AKP mis­cal­cu­lates and asks for too much, the mil­i­tary might step in and remove the AKP from power.

Erdo­gan made his com­ments yes­ter­day to the Lebanese daily al-Mustaqbal. He also expressed sup­port for the Pales­tini­ans and the estab­lish­ment of an inde­pend­net state for them. How com­ments such as this might affect Turkey’s tight rela­tion­ship with Israel is unknown.

Turks say out with the old, in with the Allah

As it looked ear­lier, Turk­ish vot­ers have given the Jus­tice and Devel­op­ment Party (AKP) a resound­ing vic­tory with 34.2 per­cent of the vote out of 99 per­cent of the votes counted. The Repub­li­can People’s Party (CHP) had 19.2 per­cent of the vote. None of the other polit­i­cal par­ties appeared to have crossed the 10 per­cent thresh­old for gain­ing seats in Par­lia­ment. This means AKP can prob­a­bly form a gov­ern­ment with­out a coali­tion part­ner within two weeks.
All three par­ties in the cur­rent coali­tion were defeated, and ail­ing Prime Min­is­ter Bulent Ecevit’s party reg­is­tered barely 1 per­cent. This was a resound­ing rejec­tion of the politi­cians and prac­tices that have gov­erned Turkey for gen­er­a­tions.
This is likely a good thing in that sense, but as I men­tioned ear­lier, it remains to be seen if Erdogan’s AKP has truly mod­er­ated its Islamic roots and can truly be a “Mus­lim Demo­c­ra­tic” party in the mold of Europe’s Chris­t­ian Democrats.